THE TOUGH GETTING TOUGHER
Todd Bussert, Esq.
As discussed in the preceding submission, the
Federal Bureau of Prisons (BOP), in response to a December 16
directive from the Department of Justice (DOJ or Justice), has
discontinued its longstanding practice of designating low-risk,
short-term offenders directly to Community Corrections Centers
(CCCs). At the same time, the BOP adopted a new interpretation
of 18 U.S.C. § 3624(c) that sets limits on CCC placement
restricting pre-release transfers -- except of RDAP or ICC graduates
-- to no more than the last ten percent (10%) of a prisoner’s
sentence up to six (6) months. One hundred and twenty five directly
committed CCC prisoners are slated for transfer as a result
of these changes; numerous legal challenges are underway; and
prisoners’ rights groups are rallying to devise a measured
response. While the true impact of these policy changes is as
yet unclear, DOJ, in what many characterize as a politically
motivated effort to increase punishments for high-profile, corporate
white-collar offenders, has significantly curtailed re-entry
opportunities for most of the 164,000 men and women currently
under federal correctional supervision.
Newsweek’s Michael Isikoff first reported
this story on December 20, the same day that BOP Director Kathleen
Hawk Sawyer sent a memorandum to federal judges informing them
of the changes. Focusing principally on direct CCC placements,
Isikoff indicates that Justice intended the policy move to assist
federal prosecutors with securing stiffer punishments in cases
involving white-collar defendants, who were perceived as taking
advantage of the practice as a means of avoiding “actual
prisons.” The new policy, unfortunately, sweeps far more
broadly.
CCCs are not the exclusive domain of white-collar
offenders. Courts commonly recommended the direct CCC placement
of eligible defendants for a host of compelling reasons, like
enabling a family’s primary breadwinner to continue working
or keeping a nonviolent offender close to an infirm relative.
As BOP spokesperson Judy Garrett told the New York Times,
“There are a lot of drug offenders, single moms and ordinary
folks who aren’t wealthy people who have benefited from
this. It’s not just Enron types.” Moreover, amendments
to the Federal Sentencing Guidelines, made as part of the 2001
economic crimes package as well as in response to the Sarbanes-Oxley
Act of 2002, carry heavy penalties for serious white-collar
defendants. Such penalties precluded direct CCC placement, which
was only available to those qualified minimum-security prisoners
serving relatively short (e.g., six months or less) sentences.
See Community Corrections Manual (P.S. 7300.09).
Media accounts raise two other aspects of the
policy move: 1) Justice’s feigned ignorance of well-established
procedure and 2) what has become a public rebuke of Director
Hawk Sawyer. According to Newsweek, aides to Attorney General
Ashcroft reported ignorance of the direct CCC commitment practice
until a West Virginia federal judge brought it to their attention
via a complaint letter in 2001. However, as BOP officials told
the Times, direct commitments, which usually called
for a judicial recommendation at sentencing (in which Justice
Department prosecutors always participate), were used for more
than 20 years. In fact, both bureau program statements and DOJ
publications long laid out the practice. See e.g., Security
Designation and Custody Classification Manual (P.S. 5100.07)
and A Judicial Guide to the Federal Bureau of Prisons
(1995). Indeed, the Solicitor General’s Office’s
May 2001 brief in Correctional Services Corp. v. Malesko,
122 S. Ct. 515 (2001) explicitly cites BOP policy when noting
that “the BOP employs [CCCs] as an alternative to ‘institutional
confinement for certain short-term offenders’.”
As troubling as Justice’s supposed lack
of knowledge is Deputy Attorney General Larry Thompson’s
reported reprimand of Director Hawk Sawyer—a trained professional
who has dedicated 26 years of service to one of this nation’s
largest correctional systems—for the administration of
a practice that pre-dated her appointment by more than a decade.
Although some may find fault with the BOP and its policies,
direct CCC commitments were not only consistent with the bureau’s
authority to designate an offender’s place of imprisonment,
but they were also a sensible use of bed space in the midst
of unyielding population pressures. Sadly, the Justice Department’s
interest in punishing the Fastows of the world, like this country’s
failed War on Drugs, may well have a disproportionate impact
on those already afforded the least protections.
BOP community corrections officials in Washington,
D.C. confirm that the bureau provided statistical information
to the Justice Department concerning the potential impact of
a change in the direct CCC placement policy. Importantly, these
same officials assert that Justice made no inquiry into the
impact of modifying pre-release policies, which affect the vast
majority of those currently incarcerated. Traditionally, bureau
personnel considered 18 U.S.C. § 3624(c) when preparing
and reviewing halfway house packages, but wardens and community
corrections managers regularly recommended/granted pre-release
halfway house stays greater than ten percent of a prisoner’s
sentence. See PS 7310.04, Community Corrections Center (CCC)
Utilization and Transfer Procedure (Dec. 16, 1998). The
practice was viewed as a means of relieving institutional overcrowding
while affording prisoners the greatest opportunity to reintegrate
into the community. Now, barring completion of the RDAP or ICC,
federal prisoners can expect to receive halfway house placement
for no more than the last ten percent of their sentence up to
six (6) months total (e.g., 24 month sentence = 2.4 months or
less in a CCC). Although this change is not seen as modifying
§ 3624(c)’s home confinement allowance, it will undoubtedly
disadvantage those persons requiring extra time and assistance
to establish employment and residency or simply to identify
and secure necessary resources before being released to the
street.
FederalCURE and several other concerned organizations
have already heard of scheduled halfway house placement dates
being pushed back as a direct result of the DOJ directive. For
many, this sudden and unexpected news has substantially influenced
release plans and had consequences ranging from the loss of
prospective jobs to exasperating delays in family reunifications.
FederalCURE is working to ascertain and address difficulties
that individuals and families are experiencing due to the recent
policy changes and welcomes comments and information. It will
update developments through this newsletter as well as on its
listserve.
*FederalCURE member Todd Bussert
is a Connecticut attorney who frequently speaks and writes on
federal sentencing and prison-related issues. He can be reached
at tbussert@bussertlaw.com.